The Way Forward in Iraq and Afghanistan
Current Middle East Strategies and News Releases

Road out of Afghanistan: On the ground with US troops in potential final push

The recent battle for the Kajaki Valley in Helmand Province, which ended with few casualties and Taliban fighters in flight, may mark the last major operation for US troops in Afghanistan.

By Tom A PeterCorrespondent / December 3, 2011


Marine Gen. John Allen, left, the top U.S. and NATO commander in Afghanistan, Gen. James Amos, commandant of the Marine Corps, and Marine Maj. Gen. John Toolan, right, the senior U.S. commander in Helmand Province, confer at Combat Outpost Alcatraz on Nov. 23, just north of Sangin in north-central Helmand Province, Afghanistan.

Robert Burns/AP


Kajaki Valley, Afghanistan

A group of marines huddles around the top enlisted marine in their unit, who had come to visit newly established US patrol bases throughout the Kajaki Valley in Helmand Province.

A week earlier, they had been part of a force of 600 marines and several Afghan Army and police units who flooded the valley. Though US forces have made progress throughout Helmand during the past year, Kajaki had remained one of the last major areas still under Taliban control.

Now, with several US Marine and Afghan military bases established in the valley and little resistance from the Taliban, the Helmand operation appears to have been more successful than many marines had expected.

Looking to inspire a platoon that had three men medevacked during the initial assault and had been living outdoors without tents or cots since the operation began, the 1st Battalion, 6th Marine Regiment's Sgt. Maj. Larry Harrington tells the group of assembled marines, "It started for me in Kandahar in 2001, and now I'm seeing the end of it."

While the insurgency continues, the war is indeed nearing its end for the marines in Helmand and for other International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) units elsewhere in the nation. With all the surge forces scheduled to leave Afghanistan by the end of next summer, and troop levels expected to keep falling from there, this operation is quite possibly the last major US Marine offensive designed to gain and hold new ground for the rest of the war.

"From my perspective, it's the last piece of real estate that ISAF forces are going to really clear," says Marine Maj. Gen. John Toolan, the ISAF commander in the southwest region of Afghanistan.

This ending battle echoed many that had come before, with the US overrunning its foe, the Taliban choosing to flee more often than fight. But a big question lingers over the durability of the gains. Marines express optimism that the lessons learned over the decade-long war will help them stabilize the area and hand it over to the Afghan government.

A decade of war in deadliest province

There are some 140,000 international forces in Afghanistan, a little less than 100,000 are American. US and international troops came here more than a decade ago following the Sept. 11 attacks, when the ruling Taliban regime refused to hand over Al Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden. Since then the war has grown into a large nation-building effort with the United States alone investing more than $70 billion on development projects designed to strengthen Afghanistan's government and social institutions. Meanwhile, some 1,843 US and 970 international service members have lost their lives here. Another 14,342 have been injured.

Throughout the Afghan war, the south – Helmand in particular – has seen the most fighting. More than 795 international troops have been killed in Helmand, more than in any other province and nearly twice as many as in Kandahar, the second-most deadly province.

There are about 30,000 foreign forces in Helmand, equivalent to about one-third of the US force in Afghanistan. The area has been the primary responsibility of US Marines and British troops.

But will the improvements hold?

Although there are numerous indications that international forces have made progress in Helmand, there are just as many questions among locals about how long these improvements will last.

A report released by the New American Foundation in October found that while locals in Helmand say the Taliban are weaker now compared with 12 months ago, 49 percent of the population say they believe the country is headed in the wrong direction. Nearly three-quarters of those surveyed in Helmand and Kandahar say that violence will lead to a civil war after international troops withdraw in 2014.

In the face of continued skepticism from the Afghan population, the US Marines pushed into the Kajaki Valley to take this last Taliban stronghold in the hope that it could make the difference for the region's lasting stability. Kajaki is of particular importance because of a dam there that provides electricity for much of southern Afghanistan.

Though many marines say Afghan forces in Helmand are increasingly capable, they also say that it was important to take advantage of the Marine presence here to clear out the Kajaki Valley. Afghan forces still lack the specialized equipment and troop levels necessary to conduct the type of major assault required to clear an area this large under insurgent control.

"Once we leave, I think Afghan forces will absolutely be able to have the manpower to hold it, but that initial going in and trying to secure something like this, that does take a lot of force and power that they initially wouldn't have," says Capt. Brandon Turner, operations officer for 1/6 Infantry Battalion.

'Surprised' by lack of fighting'

During the initial assault, the marines and Afghan forces faced about two days of resistance that cost the lives of two marines and injured a handful of others. Shortly after, most of the valley went quiet.

The marines had expected to face much heavier fighting. Once inside the valley, they found a number of abandoned Taliban bunker complexes that indicated insurgents had been ready for a battle.

"Their unwillingness to fight surprised me," says Lance Cpl. Terr­ence Moran, a marine from 1st Platoon, Bravo Company 1/6 Infantry Battalion.

When the operation started, the marines and Afghan forces inserted into the valley from the north, south, and center, which many say caused insurgents in the area to feel overwhelmed.

"I think they expected us to come from one direction, and only that direction, so they were confused," says Moran.

Prior to the operation there had been no bases inside the valley, except for a small US base next to the dam. Taliban domination of the area had grown so strong that locals said the roads leading in and out of the valley were unsafe, and villagers around the dam lived virtually under siege.

"The situation in Kajaki was really bad before the operation," says Ghulam Ali Baryal, a tribal elder from Kajaki. "People were stuck in the area around the dam. They were concerned that there would be food shortages because no food or supplies were arriving to the city and the farmers couldn't export their crops outside Kajaki."

Marines bring hard-won lessons to bear

As is the plan throughout Afghanistan, the marines will gradually cede ground to their Afghan counterparts as they leave Helmand. For now, there is much optimism among the marines working here.

After 10 years of the US-led war, it's common for soldiers and marines inheriting the security responsibility of an area to be hampered by the mistakes of the unit that preceded them, or even those of units that were stationed in the area years before. But the 1/6 Infantry Battalion is the first international unit based in Kajaki Valley.

"Kajaki is kind of like a blank slate for us," says Lt. Stephen Grodek, who commands Bravo Company's 1st Platoon.

Many marines say they hope they can take what they've learned in a decade of fighting in Afghanistan and apply it here.

One example: When the military began to focus heavily on development projects as part of their strategy to "win the hearts and minds" of the Afghan people, units would make big promises about what services they could provide. Many were broken, causing locals to lose faith in foreign forces. Marines say it is now critical to keep expectations on both sides in check and promise only what they can provide.

"We were able to take the lessons we learned in other districts ... so you don't come in and create the wrong expectations or start inadvertently working through the wrong people. We're able to take a lot of those lessons and do it the right way in Kajaki," says Lt. Col. George Benson commander of 1/6 Infantry Battalion.



Current Middle East Strategies and News Releases

Christian Science Monitor

The war in Iraq: soldiers assess 'peaks and valleys,' prospects of a final attack

As they prepare for the final exit from the war in Iraq, US troops aim to avoid any spectacular attack – and take stock of a conflict that gave the Middle East its worst violence in recent decades.

Soldiers of the US Army's 115th Brigade Support Battalion hoist tow bars as they rehearse mounting a withdrawal convoy of armored vehicles from Iraq south to Kuwait at their location 25 miles southeast of Baghdad at Kalsu Base, Iraq, on November 22, 2011. With less than 20,000 American troops left in Iraq from a peak of more than 170,000, US commanders say they are on track for a total withdrawal by December 31, which will end the 8 1/2-year US military presence in Iraq that saw the toppling of Saddam Hussein, a brutal civil war and insurgency, and finally a deadlocked democratic Iraqi government.

Scott Peterson/Getty Images

 By Scott Peterson, Staff writer / November 26, 2011

Kalsu Base, Iraq

As he watches yet another U.S.Military column prepare to drive across Iraq’s southern desert wastelands and withdraw into Kuwait, US ARMY Col. Scott Efflandt fears the impact of any final strike against his troops.

"What we worry about is a disproportional attack that taints the overall accomplishments," says Efflandt, speaking at this dusty staging post 30 miles south of Baghdad.

"So a spectacular rocket attack – which has happened in Iraq repeatedly in the years we've been here – if that's the last thing that happens in Iraq, you know, like a chef at a restaurant, you're only as good as your last meal,” says Efflandt.

From its first "shock and awe" moments in March 2003, the American invasion of Iraq was about shaping perceptions. The bombing of Baghdad, live on TV, was meant to be so overwhelming that Suddam Husseins's regime would crumble – and along with it, the resolve of America's enemies from Al Qaeda on down.

Nearly nine years later, as American forces fully withdraw by Dec. 31, the US military is eager to do what it can to shape the legacy of a war that has witnessed the worst violence in the Middle East in recent decades, bitterly divided Americans over its cost in blood and treasure, and has now almost become a distraction or forgotten by the public at large.

Fewer than 20,000 US troops are left here, down from a peak of more than 170,000. The top US commander in Iraq, Gen. Lloyd Austin, told US troops on Thanksgiving that attacks would likely continue until the end.

"They are probably going to shoot at us the last day that we are here," Austin said at Camp Victory in Baghdad.

American soldiers who have spent the most time in Iraq – many of them upwards of three years of their lives, during three deployments – often have the most optimistic view, because they fought and bled during the vicious insurgency and sectarian civil war, and see relative calm today.

Violence levels are well down from those dark days, and an Iraqi government is in place, even if plagued by political deadlock. Though the US occupation was tainted in the minds of many Iraqis with scandals such as Abu Ghraib, and the deaths of almost certainly hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, US soldiers on the ground hope a better legacy will prevail.

Their own losses have been substantial, with some 4,500 dead Americans, seven times that many wounded, a rise of veteran suicide rates, and dwindling support at home for a conflict launched to find weapons of mass destruction that never existed.

"It's history. We came in and helped some people," says Sgt. Robert West who arrived for his first tour during the month in 2007 that claimed the highest number of US lives. He has since spent 32 months in Iraq during three tours.

"The Iraqis that I talk to, they don't mind us being here – some of them like it," says West. "I think we helped and set them up for their success."

There have been "a lot of peaks and valleys," says Sgt. First Class Jeffrey Wilkes of Silver, Texas, a little more candidly. Iraq is "completely different; when we first came through in '03, it was a pretty messed-up place."

"I think we're leaving this place better than we found it," says Wilkes. "We're on the road a lot, and I see kids going to school, infrastructure. I didn't see that in '03-'04. If I saw kids on the road [then] they were usually begging for something."

Running convoys, Wilkes says this 115th Brigade Support Battalion has "been up and down" Iraq since it arrived last August. "Think it's a lot safer place than it used to be."

Almost by definition, individual soldiers only see a limited slice of the conflict, especially on a battlefield as expansive and varied as Iraq's. Since 2009, when US troops handed control of the cities to Iraqi forces, direct contact with Iraqis has shriveled further.

Multiple deployments shape a longer-term view

But multiple deployments add perspective for some US officers.

The result for Iraqis has been "mixed," says Maj. Timothy Draves of Hoffman, Ill., who is on his third deployment and has tallied 30 months in Iraq. "You get some guys who want you to stay – I was up in the Kurdish region, that wants to you stay – and you get other regions that say, 'Ah, we need you to go.' "

"Time will tell" if it was worth it  – for the prolonged separations from his family, as well as more strategically for the US and Iraq, says Draves, as he watches soldiers strap heavy tow bars to an armored vehicle.

Was it worth it for the Iraqis?

"Getting rid of a dictator, and to get a democratic society? Probably so," says Draves. "They might not see it now. But I think in the future they could see they are better off. I was there for the provincial elections in '08, and people dipping their finger in the purple ink saying they voted, they were proud of it."

Coming to terms with the death toll on both sides would require "a longer perspective, because it is hard to separate yourself from those events," says Draves.

Perspective is also gained by time, in a country where a large segment of the population were children when Baghdad was rocked by "shock and awe," and decades of repressive dictatorship ended overnight.

Efflandt says he has seen "stunning differences" in the course of his three tours, the first in 2004 when the insurgency was just gathering steam and there was a "noticeable vacuum of power."

The final chapter? Not written yet.

"The final chapter is not written," says the US Army colonel, from Rock Island, Ill. "But there are ideas that are now resonant in the culture that were not anywhere near resonant when I first came here for reconnaissance in 2003. People have an expectation that their voice is heard, and there was nothing like that in 2003.

"You'll hear statements from youth that, 'Oh, it was better when Saddam was here,' adds Efflandt. "Having met people in 2004 that showed you the bill they got billed for the bullet that killed their uncle – I've seen that – the 26-year-old [Iraqi] who is unhappy now hasn't seen that."

"I'm pretty sure they're happy we're leaving," says Spec. Steve Caudle, from Prineville, Ore "Not just like, 'We finally got rid of them,' but just the fact that they can feel they've got back completely what is theirs.

"There's going to be bitterness with a lot of [Iraqis]. I'm not saying everybody – not everybody's experience is the same – I'm sure some of them had bad experiences."

The perspective is the same for many Americans, both at home and in Iraq, says Caudle, who has spent 33 months in Iraq of his 28 years.

"A lot of people feel it's time to leave, [but] I feel overall there's not too much negativity from it," says Caudle. "Being here as long as I have, it's kind of nice to know when I leave there isn't anybody who needs to replace me. It's just shut off the lights and be done with it."

A 'triangle of death' quiets down

One measure of change is the experience of troops in this area, beyond the edges of what was called the "triangle of death" south of Baghdad during the sectarian killing that peaked with death tolls in 2006 and 2007 as high as 3,000 per month in the capital.

In recent years it has been relatively peaceful, thereby providing a different experience for some US troops, who have experienced Iraqi hospitality – such as being invited to Iraqi homes for meals – that was once in very short supply.

In many regions, during much of the past nine years, any association at all with Americans – whether real or imagined – could result in killing by Sunni insurgents or Shiite militias. 

"Local nationals get on with us very well, they feed us dinner, they always invite us to their homes; if anything happens in that area, they come and find whoever is out on patrol and gives them a heads up," says Sergeant First Class Tony Fishburne, from Walterboro, S.C.

"The situation [Iraqis] see now is much better than in past years ... they said security has improved 10 times more than it was ... they're not happy that we're leaving."

Fishburne was one of the first US troops to arrive in Baghdad, taking part in the original "Thunder Run" into the capital which marked the American arrival.

"I never thought I would be back, that from 2003 to now we would still be doing patrols," says Fishburne. This tour, the Americans are "more in the advisory role" of Iraq units, whom he says are "just as talented."

From 500-plus bases to eight

As US troops here pack up this base, one of only eight that remain, down from more than 500, they are aware of the high cost – and the doubts back home about the Iraq war.

Sgt First Class Rogers Davis, from Ocala, FL, has been a "casualty assistance officer" at the unit's base at Fort Hood, Texas. His job, alongside a chaplain, is to inform families in person about the death of a family member, and then support them through the aftermath.

"It's a very hard thing to do. Face-to-face, knock on the door, and try to build the courage to actually say the words to notify them that their loved one has passed, and the reason why," says Davis. "They won't open the door. It might take a number of days, where you're just sitting and waiting until someone answers the door. You wait. Come back, knock on the door."

"Doubts, you have a lot of doubts" among grieving families, says Staff Sgt. Kimberly Havis of the Louisianna National Guard, from Choudrant, La. She has been in Iraq since February, but her job at home is with the state's organization for military funeral honors. She says she volunteered for Iraq, to better understand the sacrifice those troops had made.

Louisiana has had 43 service members killed in Iraq; she has been with many mourning families.

"At that time, a family is dealing with so much mentally that it is hard to hold that sense of pride and have closure – the family just feels anger," says Havis. "We don't want a soldier's family to ever lay them to rest and not have honor and pride for what their soldier stood for."


October 10th, 2011

As troops levels drop, so do U.S. ambitions in Afghanistan

In the capitals of the U.S. and Afghanistan alike, the push is on to wind down a fight that Friday will mark its 10th anniversary.

The war in Afghanistan began as the good war. Today, it is the good-enough war.

In Kabul and Washington, the push is on to wind down a fight that Friday will mark its 10th anniversary.

U.S. officials, who are facing a future of fewer troops and less money for reconstruction, are narrowing their goals for the country. The constrained ambitions come amid pressure from the Obama administration to scale back the U.S. commitment at a time of flagging public support.

In southern Afghanistan, U.S. commanders are focused on holding territory taken from the Taliban during the past two fighting seasons. In the capital, Kabul, U.S. officials are working to restart peace and reconciliation talks that appear to be going nowhere. And in the east, where violence is up slightly over last year and plans for U.S. reinforcements were scuttled this spring, military commanders are pressing new offensives before troop levels begin to fall. That is where U.S. commanders face their most daunting challenge.

"Our sense of urgency is driven by time and a recognition that we will never have more forces on the ground than we do right now," said Maj. Gen. Daniel Allyn, the U.S. commander in eastern Afghanistan.

U.S. troop levels, which are at their peak of about 98,000, will shrink by about 30,000 by summer. The coming cuts have led senior military officials to press forward with large-scale operations designed to take on key insurgent strongholds before troop levels decline, U.S. military officials said.

Many of those assaults have focused on shoring up security along the southern approaches to Kabul, where the Haqqani network has sought to expand its presence. The insurgent group has been responsible for many high-profile attacks in Kabul.

The military had plans this year to shift some combat forces from the south to the east to help in the battle against Haqqani strongholds, but those plans were shelved, because commanders were worried that if they thinned out forces in the south too quickly, they would give up hard-won gains there.

"You've ended up with about two-thirds of the planned-for uses of the surge," said a U.S. official in Afghanistan, one of several who spoke on condition of anonymity.

30,000 troops

The inability to increase the size of the U.S. force in the east, now at about 30,000 troops, has compelled commanders to make tough choices. Commanders have identified 45 of 160 districts as "key terrain districts" where security and governance must take hold. To further focus limited resources, they have designated 21 of the 45 "priority" districts.

"If we stabilize the 45 key terrain districts, that directly affects 80 percent of the 7.5 million people in regional command east," Allyn said.

U.S. officials focusing on reconstruction are also scaling back goals and expectations. In Konar province, along the Pakistan border, money that went toward paying Afghan elders $120 monthly stipends to sit on district councils, known as shuras, was eliminated. About half the elders are expected to stay with the quasiofficial bodies, which play key roles in areas such as local dispute resolution.

"It remains to be seen if they will continue to be effective," said a U.S. official in eastern Afghanistan who follows the program. "We have dramatically reduced expectations of what we can accomplish here."

Signs of progress

Despite the problems, U.S. commanders point to signs of progress. There are new indications the Taliban are having a harder time recruiting fighters locally. Some commanders point to the influx of foreign fighters as a sign that Afghans are ready to seek peace. "What we can definitively state is that the population is tired of the fighting," Allyn said.

Others worry that the supply of young fighters from Pakistan could be inexhaustible. "They are like bees," one U.S. official said. "How many do you have to kill to get them all?"

In recent months, U.S. efforts to confront Afghan corruption have stumbled or been scaled back. A turning point came in the spring, when Afghan investigators, working with Western advisers, arrested an aide to President Hamid Karzai on accusations of bribery.

Karzai intervened to spring the aide from prison on the day of the arrest, and the political uproar led to a deep discord in U.S.-Afghan relations. Karzai later compared the American advisers' actions to detentions carried out during the Soviet occupation.

Since then, prosecutions of corrupt officials have been almost nonexistent. "How many major cases brought to the attorney general have been resolved? It is a fairly depressing number," the senior military official said.

Kabul's unwillingness to weed out incompetent leaders also has disappointed U.S. officials. In one key eastern province, the Americans have been pressing for almost a year to replace the governor, U.S. officials said.

"Karzai has not supported state institution building and instead tried to balance power brokers, creating his own power base," one former U.S. official said.

In areas where there are strong provincial and district governors, such as Helmand province, U.S. officials said the Taliban losses have been most sweeping and the gains seem most certain to hold.

Another bright spot has been an effort, led by U.S. Special Forces troops, to work with elders to build village police forces. About 7,500 Afghans participate in the program, and Gen. John Allen, the top U.S. and NATO commander in Afghanistan, has said he hopes to double the size of the program to 15,000.



Recent Comments
"顾晓岩把乐乐送回父母家,就着急忙慌的出门去了。顾大海问乐乐今天怎么放学这么早啊,乐乐不开心的进了屋。顾晓珺一人在家无聊,发现了欧阳剑的保险柜。顾晓珺试了几次密码,警报器响了。适逢欧阳淼淼回家,催顾晓珺去买车。顾晓珺让她和欧阳剑商量商量,淼淼拨通了父亲的电话。接到父亲指令,欧阳淼淼打开了保险柜,拿了钱去买车。欧阳剑问顾晓珺顾晓岩学得什么专业,顾母打电话让其帮忙找工作。顾大海顾母带着乐乐包饺子,乐乐说出了下午和任大伟去动物园看天鹅,老人家知道他俩肯定去离婚了。顾晓岩拿了离婚证之后觉得轻松多了,任大伟伤心的坐在车里哭了起来。淼淼开着新车带着狐朋狗友兜风去了,顾晓珺一人坐在家里生气。欧阳剑回来发现顾晓珺情绪不对,顾晓珺说出自己郁闷什么。自己辛辛苦苦摇的号,一直想买车,结果呢自己车没了,戒指还白条。欧阳剑一条条开始劝着顾晓珺,顾晓珺觉得有什么不对,欧阳剑要带顾晓珺去吃饭。顾晓珺想起来了,说为什么保险箱密码淼淼知道,自己却不知道。顺带着问欧阳剑存折上有多少钱,每个月工资多少,以后钱怎么花。顾晓珺拿着计算机开始算, 2016日劇線上看 ,发现欧阳剑收支账目不对。欧阳剑的工资条根本不够这些开支,顾晓珺开始审问额外收入。欧阳剑交代自己讲课做顾问的收入,开始审问顾晓珺的收入。发现顾晓珺入不敷出,顾晓珺舒心的打算去吃饭时接到顾母电话。回到顾家,看到了姐姐的离婚证。得知姐姐房子钱都没要,骂姐姐脑子进水。顾晓岩不愿意落井下石, 台灣dvd專賣店 ,说任大伟现在公司状况不好,咱家也有责任,吵架时说要不是咱爸去闹,也不会……顾大海立刻转身进了屋,躺在床上掉了眼泪。顾母劝慰着顾大海。顾晓珺对着顾晓岩后悔自己说话太冲动了,顾晓岩向妹妹坦承自己其实对以后的生活没底。但是为了乐乐,一定会撑下去,顾晓珺表示一定会陪着姐姐。此时,淼淼出了车祸。顾晓珺照顾欧阳剑情绪,要自己开车。而欧阳剑置若罔闻,带着顾晓珺一路狂飙去了医院。淼淼带着项圈自拍,欧阳剑赶到大声叫顾晓珺去叫医生。顾晓珺一问,伤的不重。交警找着顾晓珺, 韓劇線上看tv ,要顾晓珺去交警队处理后事。顾晓珺问清出事原因,是因为淼淼开车打电话,出了事捂脸扔了方向盘,撞了一排护栏,和追了别人的车尾。欧阳剑见着顾晓珺一顿说怪她对淼淼不上心。顾晓珺也爆发了,和欧阳剑吵了起来。欧阳剑懊恼,顾晓珺生气地去了交警队。任大伟一人在家孤枕难眠,想起往事伤心欲绝。顾晓珺回到家,认识到错误的欧阳剑一顿巴结。顾晓珺刚开口说话,欧阳剑就让她小声,示意女儿在家。顾晓珺问,如果她和淼淼同事落水,欧阳剑救谁。 相关的主题文章: ..."
In: Current Middle East Strategies and News Releases
by: taodvds88a
"《太陽的後裔》是韓國KBS電視台于2016年2月24日起播出的水木迷妳連續劇,由李應福導演,金恩淑、金元錫編劇, 花樣大叔偵探社dvd ,宋仲基、宋慧喬、晉久、金智媛主演[1] , 明天壹定也有好吃的飯飯~銀湯匙dvd 。本劇爲第壹部中國與韓國同步播出的韓劇。 該劇主要講述了特戰部隊海外派兵組組長劉時鎮和外科醫生姜暮煙,在韓國和派兵地區之間往返相愛的故事 應聯合國之邀, 朝5晚9:帥氣和尚愛上我dvd ,駐紮在OURCQ首都的聯合國維和部隊所屬部隊特戰警備隊大尉劉時鎮(宋仲基飾)[4] ,和外科醫生姜暮煙(宋慧喬飾)去到戰爭硝煙彌漫、疾病蔓延的烏魯克,他們在韓國和派兵地區之間往返相愛,在急迫狀況下依然互相關照壹點點靠近[5] ..."
In: Current Middle East Strategies and News Releases
by: taodvds88a

madmaxxx: wow i cant find a game that dont have 12 year old playing. thinking about coming back. where is everyone left playing??
VoW Storm: Howdy everyone! Hope you are having a great day!
-VoW-GEflash: Merry Christmas
-VoW- ARMY: waaaazzzzzuuuuuuuuuupppppp
-VoW- ARMY: Hey
-vow- killjoy: 8163450115 call me
-vow- killjoy: hey all
HossBoss: new wedstie by
-VoW-GEflash: Hey Max hope all is well
madmaxxx: hello to my old friends. i miss the games....
madmaxxx: just checked the old site. its been a long time i cant believe its still up..I havent been on bhd for a long time
VoW -X-treme: my steam = xtremedfx
-VoW- Predator: I dont know if I can even remember how to get to TS.
-VoW- Predator: Hate to see the end, will try something new.
-VoW-GEflash: MAX Give it a try
Login or Join our website to post.

- VoW- Teamspeak



This Squad Is Actively Recruiting

Websites To Visit

Candles - Melts - Soaps

by †VóW† KìllnÐudé



* The -VoW- Member Coalition * (10 Countries Spanning 5 Continents)



This website is powered by Spruz